The agreement was for Northern Ireland to be part of the United Kingdom and remain in place until a majority of the population of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland wished otherwise. If this happens, the British and Irish governments will be “obliged” to implement this decision. This conference takes the form of regular and frequent meetings between The British and Irish ministers to promote cooperation between the two governments at all levels. On issues not left to Northern Ireland, the Irish government can present views and proposals. All decisions of the Conference are taken by mutual agreement between the two governments and the two governments, in order to make resolute efforts to resolve the differences between them. The agreement contains a complex set of provisions in a number of areas, including: when the Kingdom finally leaves the EU, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will require a border apparatus to check visitors` passports, track the origin and quality of goods and recover appropriate taxes or customs. These institutional provisions, established in these three areas of action, are defined in the agreement as “interdependent and interdependent”. In particular, it is found that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is “so closely linked that the success of individual countries depends on that of the other” and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers “is one of the essential tasks assigned to the relevant bodies in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland]. The Democratic Unionist Party of Northern Ireland (DUP) opposes the difference in treatment of the region, including the application of EU VAT rates and the introduction of a customs border in the Irish Sea, as well as the complexity of the approval mechanism. Although it is generally more favourable to the United Kingdom, it has expressed broader concerns about the longer-term impact of these mechanisms on Northern Ireland. Jonathan Powell, a former Uk negotiator for Northern Ireland, understood the CONCERNS of the DUP6. He noted that the border would expand in the Irish Sea because of the UK`s divergence for regulatory reasons, while the introduction of a simple majority decision could undermine the principle of inter-communal governance. But Lord David Trimble – the former president of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and former Prime Minister of Northern Ireland who spoke out against the backstop – has asked the DUP to back the revised agreement, which, in his view, is consistent with the Good Friday Agreement.7 The DUP does not support Johnson`s government, which, in the face of several conservative resignations and the expulsion of members who voted against the government well below a majority; However, the party`s opposition requires Johnson to find supporters elsewhere.
The agreement was approved by voters across the island of Ireland in two referendums on 22 May 1998. In Northern Ireland, in the 1998 referendum on the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland, voters were asked if they supported the multi-party agreement. In the Republic of Ireland, voters were asked whether they would allow the state to sign the agreement and authorize the necessary constitutional changes (nineteen constitutional amendments from Ireland) to facilitate it. The citizens of both countries had to approve the agreement to implement it. The Assembly and The Executive were finally created in December 1999 on the condition that dismantling begins immediately, but were suspended within two months due to a lack of progress before being reinstated in May 2000, with the provisional dismantling of the IRA finally beginning. But beyond the issue of decommissioning, the continuation of paramilitary activity (although relatively small compared to the past) of the Provisional Irish Republican Army – such as arms import.B s, smuggling, organised crime, “penalty hits,” the collection of secret services and riots – has been a stumbling block.